Romanian Eagle

Chapter 379 Paris Peace Conference (Part 2)

"Everyone, we have invited the Romanian representative, and we can discuss it now."

After days of quarrels and negotiations, the representatives of several countries present were somewhat exhausted. After seeing the arrival of Prime Minister Bretianu, President Wilson glanced at Dmowski, the Polish representative, who was complicating the Polish issue.

As the chairman of the Polish National Committee established in Paris in 1917, Dmowski's skin is still thick enough to pretend not to see it. Because he knew that this meeting would decide the status of Poland after its establishment, and of course the most important thing was to recover the territory as much as possible. What is this kind of skin to eat?

Also seeing the entry of the Romanian representative, Clemenceau spoke with embarrassment. "It's up to me to tell Prime Minister Bretianu this."

Unexpectedly, Romania was asked to help Poland stabilize the situation not long ago, and now it is a little embarrassing to ask him to raise the issue of territory. Under Clemenceau's narration, Prime Minister Bretianu finally learned the details of the matter.

It turned out that Dmowski, on behalf of the newly established Polish government, formally presented Poland's comprehensive and detailed territorial claims to the Peace Conference. He suggested the Supreme Council. "When a settlement of territories belonging to Poland is reached, we should start in 1772, before the first partition. He proposed that Lithuania, Ukraine should be 'unified' to Poland. Galicia to the southeast, although not part of it before the fourteenth century Poland, but the majority of Poles in the region should also belong to Poland. Also in Upper Silesia and Danze to the east of Germany, Poland should also get a large Polish corridor to the sea.”

In the face of Poland's territorial claims, the French side of course supported it, and they planned to make Poland a strong enemy in the east of Germany. This war can be won, and the containment of its former ally Russia on the eastern front plays a decisive role, and there is no reason why France should not continue to do so.

The United Kingdom, on the other hand, is firmly opposed to Poland's so-called territorial claims. Prime Minister George believed that giving a large swath of German territory to Polish rule would be the trigger for future wars.

To this end he asked: "If the Germans in Poland defend themselves against Polish rule, will the three fight to keep Poland's rule over them?"

He also declared that Germany would refuse to sign the contract if Poland occupied Danzer and Upper Silesia. In fact, this attitude of the United Kingdom is a reflection of his traditional policy of parity on the Polish issue. Britain did not want to see Germany weakened too much, allowing France to dominate the European continent. The United States, on the other hand, sees this problem in terms of the principle of national self-determination, and advocates classification according to racial data.

As for the Galicia region involved, they advocated direct negotiations between Poland and Romania, which was also the victorious country that occupied the region. As for that government in Ukraine, it has been completely ignored.

When Clemenceau finished speaking,

Prime Minister Bretianu went in directly: "I'm sorry, we cannot accept Poland's request. We have an agreement with the Ukrainian government on the ownership of this area, and we cannot make a decision that violates that agreement."

In the face of Prime Minister Bretianu's merciless refusal, Dmowski couldn't help but say: "90% of the region is Poles, and you have no reason to occupy it." (Dmowski I really said this at the Paris Peace Conference)

Dmowski's words, Bretianu directly retorted: "90%? Where does this data come from, according to our survey, only 43% of Poles in the region, and the remaining 41% of Ukrainians, Another 16% is made up of various ethnic groups such as Slovaks, Romanians, Hungarians, etc.”

Seeing that Dmowski was directly slammed back by Bretianu, the negotiation collapsed. Clemenceau stepped forward and said: "We don't know much about the division of local ethnic groups, so let's talk about other aspects."

Dmowski, awakened by Clemenceau's words, immediately changed the subject. "As far as I know, the so-called Ukrainian government was established on the basis of the Bucharest Treaty. The treaty has been abolished, so the Ukrainian government supported by Germany and Austria should also be banned."

Regarding Dmowski's new round of offensive, Prime Minister Bretianu said with a smile: "I admit that the Ukrainian government was established on the basis of the Treaty of Bucharest. But according to President Wilson's self-determination of nations, the region's Ukrainians have the right to choose whether to build their own regime or to whom they belong."

Bretianu's words are very clear, you deny the Bucharest Treaty, and I bring up President Wilson's national self-determination. As for whether Ukraine is willing to join the Polish government, this is a joke, no one wants to find a father to take care of them.

Dmowski, who was a little confused by Bretianu's words, continued to say: "Your calculations are wrong, the Galicia region should be self-determined by itself."

"No, the region of Galicia should not be self-determined alone, it is part of Ukraine."

"We know that you and Ukraine have funds for withdrawal of troops, and this can be taken over by us, too."

"Sorry, this is a resolution between us and Ukraine, and you can't represent the Ukrainian government yet."

"..."

"Okay, don't argue."

Seeing that the two sides were red-faced and unwilling to make a step, President Wilson couldn't help but said: "At present, the Galicia region issue is a bit too complicated. Is it possible to postpone this issue and discuss it when Hungary is resolved? ."

In President Wilson's view, the current issue of Galicia does not belong to the scope of negotiations with Germany, so this issue can be postponed for later discussion, and there is no need to hold on to it.

Prime Minister George, who has not spoken, agreed: "This is a good way."

Seeing that both Britain and the United States agreed, and that Dmowski had always been at a disadvantage in front of Bretianu, Clemenceau also nodded and said, "Let's do it like this. We will postpone the discussion on this matter."

The words of the Three Kingdoms made Dmowski feel as dejected as a defeated rooster, while Prime Minister Bretianu walked out of the conference room with a calm expression on his face. However, after walking out of the conference room, Bretianu immediately pulled his entourage who was waiting outside the door to his side and whispered: "Go back to the embassy immediately and send a secret telegram to the country, saying that the Poles want to use diplomatic channels. Take Galicia."

The entourage was shocked when he heard this. He knew the seriousness of the matter and immediately replied: "I'll rush back to the embassy to send a report."

After finishing the instructions to the entourage, Bretianu still smiled and kept greeting other members of the delegation, as if nothing happened.

After the Galicia region was put aside, the process of the Polish issue accelerated a lot, and the border issues in all directions were soon negotiated. The final decision will also be placed in the general clauses against Germany.

As in the history of the treaty with Germany, after more than three months of quarrels and compromises, a final solution was finally reached on February 13.

According to the treaty, Germany ceded Alsace and Lorraine to France, restoring France's borders before the Franco-Prussian War. Northern Schleswig returns to Denmark after a referendum.

Recognize Polish independence and grant Polish coastlines. Return the territory originally belonging to Poland, including West Prussia, Posen Province, part of East Prussia and part of Upper Silesia; East and Upper Silesia to Czechoslovakia. Danzig is administered by the League of Nations, known as the Free City of Danzig.

ceded Euben and Salmedi to Belgium; Klaipeda to Lithuania (19 years).

The Saar coal mining area was held in French escrow for 15 years, and then its ownership was decided by a referendum.

Germany recognized Austria's independence and could never merge with it. Recognize the independence of Luxembourg.

The treaty cost Germany 10% of its territory, 12.5% ​​of its population, all overseas colonies (including German East Africa, German Southwest Africa, Cameroon, Togo, and German New Guinea), 16% of its coal production and half of the steel industry.

Military restrictions; the territory on the west bank of the Rhine (Rhineland) was occupied by the Allied armies for 15 years, and the Germans could not fortify within kilometers from the east and west banks.

The army was limited to less than 100,000 troops and was not allowed to have tanks or heavy artillery, eliminating the establishment of the German General Staff.

The number of navy personnel is limited to less than 15,000 members, and there are only 6 battleships with a displacement of 10,000 tons, 6 cruisers and 12 destroyers, and no submarines are allowed.

No air force may be organized, no weapons may be imported or exported, and no chemical weapons may be produced or stored.

In order to limit the number of people receiving military training, the compulsory military service system was abolished, and the service period of non-commissioned officers and soldiers was extended to 12 years and officers to 25 years.

Responsibility for war; Germany must admit full responsibility for war and crimes against Allied civilians. Former Kaiser Wilhelm II was tried for war crimes. Some German troops were tried for war crimes, and some were sentenced to death.

War reparations: According to the decision of the Allied Compensation Committee, Germany needs to compensate 226 billion marks (about 11.3 billion pounds) and pay in gold, and then reduce it to 132 billion Reich marks.

The only thing that this treaty has to do with Romania is the issue of German compensation. However, because Romania did not suffer too many losses in the war, it only received 2% of the compensation. But Romania still has a long way to go to get the money.

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